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Home » News & Analysis » Commentary » The Poisonous Politics of Implementation (Neal McCluskey)

The Poisonous Politics of Implementation (Neal McCluskey)

As Kevin Kosar recently wrote, if a few years ago someone suggested that the federal government would enact legislation creating national academic standards, they’d have been thought crazy. After all, as anyone familiar with disastrous voluntary national testing proposals in the 1990s will tell you, national standards are political poison. Americans cherish local control of schooling far too much, and couldn’t agree on the standards even if they wanted them nationalized.

But that was then. Today, with state efforts to implement tough standards foundering, and the No Child Left Behind Act proving as much a force for lowering standards as boosting them, the idea of having Washington set standards for everyone has gathered steam. Indeed, at this very moment a bill to create national math and science standards is in the congressional pipeline.

The Standards to Provide Educational Achievement for All Kids (SPEAK) Act was unveiled to significant fanfare by its Senate sponsor, and presidential candidate, Chris Dodd (D-CT) a few weeks ago, and has been getting appreciable consideration from education policy folks. If enacted, the Act would require the National Assessment Governing Board (NAGB) – which oversees the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) – to create standards in science and math that states could “voluntarily” adopt in exchange for a slice of a $400 million pie.

Of course, just because this bill exists doesn’t mean it has a chance of passage. But Kosar thinks its prospects for avoiding the political pitfalls that have foiled past national standards proposals are pretty good.

“The bill is adroitly drafted,” Kosar says. “It is a clever proposal that does its darnedest to avoid politics. For one, the national standards would be voluntary. For another, the standards are not created de novo; rather, they must be based on the NAEP frameworks that guide the NAEP evaluations.”

Kosar could very well be right about the Act’s chances of passage. For one thing, even though the bill actually calls for NAGB to create new math and science standards, the public could easily believe that it will just take NAEP’s current standards, as well as its achievement levels, and let states adopt them. For another, SPEAK sticks to math and science, avoiding the ultra-divisive subject of history. Finally, the public might very well accept the “voluntary” label because states don’t have to take federal money, and hence federal standards.

The fundamental problem with the SPEAK Act, however, is not that it can’t overcome the politics of passage. The problem is that neither it, nor any other national standards bill, can likely ever overcome the far more pernicious politics of implementation, in which, like NCLB, all the standards pressure is pointed downward.

Here’s what’s likely to happen with any national standards legislation: While parents will fight hard for high standards during the battle to pass the law, they won’t be able to keep on fighting once implementation begins. They simply have no full-time Washington advocacy groups to do the day-to-day fighting over regulatory and bureaucratic minutiae necessary to keep implementation on track. The school administrators, education bureaucrats, and teachers whose feet would be held to the fire by high standards, however, have Washington advocates aplenty to push standards down and make their jobs as easy as possible.

It’s a reality as old as the ESEA itself. As RAND Corporation researcher Milbrey McLaughlin concluded about Title I back in 1975:

The teachers, administrators, and others whose salaries are paid by Title I, or whose budgets are balanced by its funds, are….a more powerful constituency than those poor parents who are disillusioned by its unfulfilled promise.

Importantly, the main reason SPEAK would vest standards-setting power in NAGB is to minimize downward political pressures, reasoning that NAGB is better insulated from politics then, say, the department of education. And right now, it is. But other than embarrassing states when they do poorly on NAEP tests, nothing NAGB currently does has concrete implications for state and local education officials. Attach dollars to NAEP, however, and political sites will suddenly be set on NAGB. Indeed, even with no great consequences attached to its work, over the years NAGB has been under regular threat of politicization. As Checker Finn – a national standards advocate – warned back in 2000:

Unfortunately, the past decade has…shown how vulnerable these activities are to all manner of interference, manipulation, political agendas, incompetence and simple mischief. It turns out that they are nowhere near to being adequately immunized against Washington’s three great plagues:

* The pressing political agendas and evanescent policy passions of elected officials…and their appointees and aides.

* The depredations and incursions of self-serving interest groups and lobbyists….

* Plain old bureaucratic bungling and incompetence.

The second major implementation problem is that adopting the SPEAK Act’s standards would be no more voluntary for states than participating in any federal education activity. As long as Washington can take taxpayers’ money against their will, telling state legislators that they can only get federal money by “voluntarily” adopting federal standards makes state participation, for all intents and purposes, mandatory. Very few state legislators will tell their constituents that they’re turning down cash that came from their constituents to begin with.

Kosar notes that SPEAK only dangles “a measly $4 million” in front of individual states, which he thinks will dissuade many of them from “volunteering.” But that figure is just the grant that states would get for joining up; the legislation also promises unspecified amounts to participating states so that they can do such things as “enhance statewide student level longitudinal data systems.” And, of course, funding levels for federal programs almost always seem to rise.

In the end, Kevin Kosar might be right that the political winds are a-changin’ and that national standards might soon overcome the obstacles that have doomed their passage in the past. It is highly unlikely, however, that they’ll ever overcome the much more destructive politics of implementation.

Neal McCluskey is a policy analyst with Cato’s Center for Educational Freedom.

Comments

  1. Dave Marain says:

    I have been advocating for national math standards for the past three decades. Its time has come. Despite all the negativity, skepticism and distrust the bottom line is that what we currently have in ALL disciplines is chaos with the result that our children fall further behind other industrialized nations moment my moment. Fifty states with fifty different sets of standards (yes, there is overlap but they are not congruent) with fifty different sets of assessments with fifty different levels of proficiency adds up to what — let me get my calculator to do the math…
    Ultimately, most teachers, including myself, will teach essentially what is in the textbooks and will stress the content and types of questions that are on the high-stakes tests for which they are held accountable. As an AP teacher for 35 years, I am proud to say I ‘taught to the test’ — one of the better quality tests I’ve seen constructed. However, I never felt constricted by a straight-jacket curriculum. My methods and creativity were never affected. I felt crunched by time to cover all the topics in the BC course in 8 months but somehow we got through it and I knew in the end that my students were at least as well prepared for the next level as any other student in any other BC Calc class. I knew that because of their performance in my class which was then validated by the results of the standardized AP test. I saw a reasonable correlation between a ‘5’ on the test and an A or B in class and so on. Could I have taught the same quality course without this ‘nationalized’ Calculus curriculum. Quality, yes, but I don’t think the content and emphasis would have been consistent with the thousands of other calculus classes around the country. Just look at how similar or dissimilar Precalculus classes are from classroom to classroom, never mind state to state. Yes, the road to a standard curriculum is a mine field but the road we’re on now leads only to an abyss. I’ll take my chances…
    Dave Marain

  2. Paul Hoss says:

    National standards would only be as good as national achievement levels. For states to adopt NAEP standards and then create their own levels of achievement would defeat the whole purpose of “national” standards. It would do no good for a state to create artificial levels of “proficient” simply to satisfy taxpayers back home. No, no, a thousand times no, to any such notion. I believe students from Alaska to Florida should have access to, and be held accountable for, the same rich body of knowledge as are all students nationwide, and that they are held to a common level of achievement in each of these academic disciplines. And where’s the test for reading/language arts? If a youngster can’t read and know something about the mechanics of the English langauage, what good is all the rest of this?

    Paul Hoss
    Marshfield, Massachusetts

  3. Implementation is always the key, just look at NCLB, a good (not perfect, but good) law on paper even after surviving the political crucible. However, the way the Dept. of Ed implemented the bill and enforce the provisions of the law does not meet the standards. I support national standards, but the problem is implementation and prevention of the almost inevitable dumbing-down of the standards. This assessment of the political reality of interest group politics is spot on.

    However, the “voluntary” nature assessment is way off. Congress routinely hangs strings on significant sums of money. Title I hinges on a number of conditions, including adoption of NCLB testing standards, etc. The power of the purse and “spending for the general welfare” almost always pushes states to adopt some sort of policy. For a good, non-education example, see the history of the 55 mph speed limit–upon which federal highway funds were couched.

    While I don’t like the “compulsion” of the states through the use of federal funds, it is a perfectly legitimate political tool. The implementaiton problem will come in how the states “adopt” the standards. Having not read the bill in question, one big issue will be whether or not the states can amend, alter or othewise modify the voluntary standards or if they have to take them or leave them wholesale.

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